The writer
Alliances in West Africa are shifting, and Accra is watching the developments with caution.
In recent years, military governments in Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger have distanced themselves from established Western allies and welcomed Moscow.
Russian trainers, equipment, and private military contractors with ties to the Kremlin have arrived, claiming to deliver rapid success in the battle against jihadist groups that have destabilised the Sahel for more than a decade.
The objective was straightforward: to defeat the rebels, reclaim the land, and reestablish sovereignty.
On the ground, however, progress has been inconsistent. Attacks continue throughout the Sahel, and civilians remain vulnerable. Additionally, security investigations indicate that Russian-linked firms are acquiring control in key industries, such as mining.
For neighbouring coastal states, the issue is no longer ideological, but rather practical. What happens when foreign security ties grow swiftly, yet oversight is inadequate?
Ghanaian officials are following the experiment closely.
The nation currently has diplomatic and economic connections with Russia in sectors such as education, agriculture, and energy. According to officials, the topic in Accra is not whether to engage foreign countries, but how to do so without sacrificing control.
Northern Ghana has trade routes, ecology, and migratory paths with the Sahel. Tomatoes and onions are transported across borders every day. So do humans. At times, weapons do as well. Instability seldom follows maps.
“The change in the Sahel was both political and military,” according to Vladimir Antwi-Danso, an international relations and security specialist.
He remarked that the junta in Mali and Burkina Faso turned to Russian help in part to offset Western influence, frequently through arrangements involving both state-linked and private individuals acting with limited transparency.
He adds that many people had hoped for security enhancements, but none had happened. Civilian protection in some places has decreased due to charges of wrongdoing by international contractors. At the same time, reports indicate that Russian-linked companies have gained access to important gold concessions in Burkina Faso through deals involving military collaboration.
The problem for analysts is no longer solely battlefield performance. It is governance.
A Quieter Approach
Unlike its northern neighbors, Ghana has opted for prevention over outsourcing. Instead of relying on foreign troops, the government has strengthened its own forces in vulnerable areas. Forward operating bases dot the north. Intelligence officials live among communities. Surveillance units monitor abnormal traffic across porous borders.
The strategy lacks the splendor of foreign deployments, but security experts say it promotes local control and responsibility.
“The concept is simple,” said Colonel Festus Aboagye (Rtd), a Ghanaian security expert. “If you know what is coming, you have already won more than half the struggle without shooting a shot.”
Regional cooperation is crucial to that strategy. Coastal nations exchange information on terrorist groups and cross-border crime through the Accra Initiative, with the goal of mitigating risks early.
The logic contrasts with the Sahel approach, in which foreign assistance frequently preceded investment in indigenous institutions. Ghana is currently focusing on developing internal capabilities.
Security Beyond The Gun
Officials here discuss markets just as often as they discuss guns. Northern Ghana’s economy relies substantially on cross-border business. When routes close or tensions rise, food prices increase and earnings decline.
Analysts caution that economic hardship may make populations more vulnerable to recruitment by armed organisations.
As a result, progress has become an essential component of the security strategy. Roads, clinics, and schools are discussed along with patrols and checkpoints.
“Bullets alone are not enough,” Aboagye told this writer. “You have to bring development to the communities that are most at risk.”
The logic is simple: reduce grievances and you narrow the area for radicals to operate.
Lessons From The Sahel
According to experts, the Sahel region provides one unambiguous lesson: the hazards of secret agreements.
According to reports in Burkina Faso, some security accords handed foreign businesses control over crucial gold assets, in some cases with minimal parliamentary oversight. Critics contend that these accords blur the distinction between national security and economic interest, raising concerns about responsibility and long-term sovereignty.
“Any collaboration a country chooses must benefit the state and be transparent,” Antwi-Danso said. “Without oversight, you risk losing control.”
Ghana’s foreign engagements are normally conducted via legislative and ministerial processes, which officials acknowledge are slower but more accountable. According to policymakers, the bureaucracy reduces hidden costs and political blowback in the future.
The regional consequences have also been informative. Niger, Mali, and Burkina Faso realigned their relationships, reducing collaboration inside the Economic Community of West African States. Collective security preparation deteriorated, and trust among administrations fell, making it more difficult to exchange information about threats that cross borders quickly.
Fragmentation is a disadvantage for coastal nations. Ghana is attempting to walk a fine line. Remain diplomatically engaged, avoid isolation, but refuse to be overly reliant on any other nation.
Security authorities privately admit that the balance is precarious, a lack of participation reduces influence, while excessive engagement creates dependency.
Watching and Adjusting
Rather than duplicating the Sahel’s strong reliance on external assistance, Ghana looks to be monitoring and adapting, assessing what worked, what failed, and what unexpected effects occurred.
Larry Gbevlo Lartey’s position as special envoy to the Alliance of Sahel States demonstrates Ghana’s worries about the threat from adjacent Sahel nations. To maintain open channels, exchange intelligence, and stop violence from spreading to Ghana, he is trying to restore trust with Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger.
Regional security depends on interacting with these nations, he claims. “We desire good neighbourliness,” he adds. Should the terrorism worsen there, it would probably come to us.
Experts say the lesson is procedural as well as strategic. Who signs agreements, how they are examined, and whether people are aware of what is being swapped in their name.
Foreign alliances can offer training, equipment, and investment. However, they believe that long-term stability depends less on foreign boots and more on robust local institutions.
For the time being, Ghana is focusing on intelligence, regional cooperation, and responsible government rather than seeking quick solutions.
As chaos spreads south, the government is strengthening its front lines via vigilance, diplomacy, and community involvement. Whether this combination is sufficient to prevent radical violence from crossing its northern border remains unknown.
By Winifred Lartey (winilartey18@gmail.com)