“Nkrumah began his political career as a democrat and ended as a dictator… Rawlings began as a military dictator and ended as a democrat…It was an irony for Nkrumah to have pushed for a single African state… and yet maintained that in his country, Ghana, multi-partyism was… out of place… Nkrumah was a great son of Africa but not a very good servant of Ghana…the PDA and the dismissal of a Chief Justice were dubious precedents, making him go into history as the pioneer of black authoritarianism in post-independence Africa…”
UNLIKE EX PRESIDENT JOHN DRAMANI MAHAMA, I was born before independence. I attended Army Children’s School, Kumasi, even though none of my parents and relations was a soldier. From B.K. Owusu’s house at Asafo (NA 100), we would foot the distance from Asafo to the Army Barracks, barefooted. Our teachers were soldiers one of whom we nicknamed: ‘Akwadaa kwee – kwe’ because he heard us cry ‘kwee’ when he administered the bastinado. I need not be reminded of the forage on the refuse dump behind the soldiers’ kitchen, for crumbs to quench the pangs of hunger, leading to a peptic ulcer, later in life.
The ‘colonial’ days were a mix of happy and doleful moments. Empire Day was in June and school children would line up the streets to welcome the white District Commissioners with miniature British flags, and later be served cocoa drink from white cups which we would take home as souvenirs.
Then came the agitation for independence: CPP’s ‘self – government now’ and the opposition’s ‘self – government in the shortest possible time’. That could have been propaganda versus realism. CPP’s Kwame Nkrumah, Kojo Botsio and Komla Gbedemah; and NLM’s, J.B Danquah, Kofi Abrefa Busia and S.D. Dombo popped up. Nkrumah was studying in America and the United Kingdom and the UGCC had invited him home in 1947 and paid for his passage. Pa Grant and J.B. Danquah were calling the shots.
Nkrumah was a paid General Secretary of UGCC, and was provided with a vehicle. Then in 1949, he broke from the UGCC to form the Convention People’s Party (CPP) with the cockerel as its symbols. Scuffles ensued: not between the Gold Coasters and British colonialists but rather between the factions. In Ashanti, Twumasi Ankrah stabbed E.Y.Baffoe to death, using an ‘Okapi’ knife. Nkrumah’s CPP identified itself with the young, unemployed youth (the Verandah Boys) while the NLM identified itself with the Anglophile intelligentsia. Nkrumah’s style and the promises he made had a great appeal on the senses of the majority of urbanized industrial workers, farmers and the semi – literate young men and women, mostly the market women. Populism won the day for the CPP.
When on February 28, 1948 the ex – servicemen marched to the Castle, and three of them (Private Odartey Lamptey, Corporal Attipoe and Sergeant Adjetey) were gunned down, eyes pointed at the Big Six (J.B. Danquah, Kwame Nkrumah, Edward Akuffo – Addo, William Ofori-Attah, Obetsebi Lamptey and Ako-Adjei) who were jailed in the north for the offence of political agitation.
Ever since I got interested in debates, from College days up to being the President of the Legon Debating Club, I had argued that the majority cannot ride roughshod over the minority, because anything above 50% would be majority; anything below 50% would be minority. In July 1956, the CPP won 57% of the votes cast, holding 2/3 of the 104 seats in the new Parliament. The opposition was fragmented, until they decided to come together under the United Party, with cocoa as the emblem.
In 1960, Ghana became a Republic after Nkrumah had defeated J.B. Danquah in the election for President. The Preventive Detention Act (PDA) had been in force. By the PDA, the President could arrest and detain anybody without trial for five years (later increased to 10 years). Many state – owned corporations were established including laundries, many running at a loss. State and para-statal organisations were formed. The Builders Brigade (later Workers Brigade) was formed to produce food stuffs. What they produced could not feed even the establishment. They enjoyed government subsidies, and one person could have his name in two or three stations, and receive salaries from all of them. The Nkrumah Ideological Institute was alive to propagate Nkrumahism.
The Young Pioneer was established in 1960 to train the young men and women to “keep comradeship, honesty, integrity and devoted service…”. In spite of the professed philosophy, the Young Pioneers turned round to be spies even on their own parents, reporting them to the authorities.
A referendum was held in 1964 to decide whether Ghana should adopt a one – party system. Two ‘Etuo – mu – ye – sum’ (opaque) boxes were provided at the polling stations and were labelled ‘Yes’ (for one party) and ‘No ‘(against one party). People lined up behind the box of their choice. Who would risk being seen in the queue voting ‘No’. The Workers Brigade squads were around to ensure that everyone toed the line. In the end, as was to be expected, CPP won an overwhelming 99% ‘Yes’. In 1965, Ghana was a one- party state.
Nkrumah declared at the National Assembly on 1st February, 1966 (23 days before he was over – thrown ): “A one – party system of government is an effective and safe instrument only when it operates in a socialist system”. This was the heyday of the Cold War, between the Communist East and the Democratic West. Opposition grew from within Nkrumah’s own CPP. Tawia Adamafio, Ako Adjei (who had recommended Nkrumah to the UGCC) and Coffie Crabbe were jailed, after a bomb attempt on Nkrumah’s life in Kulungugu in August, 1962. That was after the court headed by Chief Justice, Sir Arku Korsah had acquitted them and a new court found them guilty.
The District Commissioners were a law unto themselves; some were quick to ensure the incarceration of opposition elements and marrying their wives – hence many were the proud fathers of many children.
And J.B. Danquah died in Nkrumah’s prison! Nkrumah used the law to oppress any opposing ideas. 24th February, 1966 came, and E.K. Kotoka and Akwasi Amankwaa Afrifa were the heroes for freeing political prisoners. Ghanaians heaved a sigh of relief.
Someone says the overthrow of the CPP government 51 years ago is ‘regrettable’, and that the PDA was ‘justifiable’. If the CPP with the one – party system had not been overthrown…(?) People have their views. I do not expect those who were the beneficiaries of Nkrumah’s policies to preach against Nkrumah; but they should allow those who think otherwise to express their sentiments.
BBC listeners (and those who wrote back to the BBC), numbering less than 10,000 subscribers voted Nkrumah ‘Africa’s Man of the Millenium’ in 2000. We are being urged to “remain united and draw inspiration from the achievements, ideology and vision of Dr Kwame Nkrumah…” Sorry, count some of us out! Robert Mugabe and his Zimbabwe may choose to follow Nkrumah’s legacy, not us in Ghana.
Fate has a way of mending fences, compensating people for unjustifiable suffering, and dousing inter- personal flames. Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo Addo, the rejected stone, is now the cornerstone. One does not expect him to be a dictator (we would resist) and neither to be vengeful (forgive the vilification of the Akyem trio which included his father, Edward Akuffo-Addo, his uncle, William Ofori-Attah and his grandfather, J.B. Danquah) but nothing stops him from setting the records straight, a la Fiifi Kwetey.
A ‘pseudo – intellectual’, or a ’colonial stooge’, so what? Ghana was not founded by Nkrumah (alone), so there could be a ‘Founders’ Day’ and not a ‘Founder’s Day’! The neutral name ‘Jubilee House’ is tuneful and euphonious; ‘Flagstaff House’ is dysphonic and grating. Exeunt.
Africanus Owusu Ansah